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America bombs Iran. Oil falls

The Abu Dhabi skyline at sunset.
The Abu Dhabi skyline at sunset. Photo: FritzDaCat/Wikimedia Commons · CC BY-SA 3.0

American forces struck Iranian facilities on 21–22 June, after days of speculation and rising energy prices. Markets had braced for panic. Crude oil fell by more than four per cent over the following trading sessions.

The targets were Iran's main nuclear sites, at Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan, hit by heavy bunker-busting bombs dropped from B-2 bombers and by cruise missiles fired from a submarine. The strikes came nine days after Israel began its own campaign against Iran, a period in which oil had climbed steadily as traders priced in the chance that America would join the war. When it did, the price moved the other way.

A strike built to be limited

Oil fell because the strikes were contained. Military planners hit a limited set of military targets and took care to avoid Iranian oil refineries, the export terminals at Kharg Island and commercial shipping lanes. That restraint removed the tail risk traders had been paying to insure against, an unconstrained regional war that would shut off exports from the Persian Gulf.

Kharg Island handles the great bulk of Iran's crude exports, most of them bound for China. Leaving it untouched signalled that Washington's aim was the nuclear programme, not the Iranian economy, and it left Tehran with an income it would not want to lose by escalating. Iran's parliament voted in favour of closing the Strait of Hormuz after the strikes, but the decision rests with the country's security council, and it has not acted on the vote.

Iraq's Al Basrah Oil Terminal in the Persian Gulf, which loads hundreds of oil tankers each year, Dec. 12, 2004.
Iraq's Al Basrah Oil Terminal in the Persian Gulf, which loads hundreds of oil tankers each year, Dec. 12, 2004. Photo: U.S. Navy Photographer's Mate 1st Class Richard J. Brunson/Wikimedia Commons · Public domain

A retaliation by appointment

Iran's answer, on 23 June, confirmed the market's reading. It fired missiles at the American air base at Al Udeid in Qatar, having given advance notice, and the attack caused no casualties. Oil fell sharply the same day. That evening the president announced a ceasefire between Israel and Iran, and prices dropped further on the next morning's open. A retaliation designed to save face rather than to inflict damage told traders that Tehran wanted a way out.

The Soleimani template

The episode closely follows one from January 2020. After an American drone strike in Baghdad killed Qassem Soleimani, the commander of Iran's external operations, Iran fired ballistic missiles at bases in Iraq housing American troops, again with warning, and no Americans were killed. Oil spiked on the killing and then fell back within days as both sides stepped away from a wider war. The lesson traders drew then, and appear to have drawn again, is that Iran's leadership calibrates its responses to avoid a war it cannot win.

An older example points the same way. When the American-led air war against Iraq began in January 1991, crude posted what was then its largest one-day fall on record, because the uncertainty that had driven prices up for months resolved into a campaign that markets judged would not disrupt Saudi supply. The moment of military action often marks the peak of a risk premium, not its start.

Some relief for central banks

Sovereign bond desks and central bankers have been given some breathing room. A sustained run towards $100 crude would have set off a burst of stagflation that would be hard to manage, tying the hands of monetary policymakers and squeezing household budgets further.

Cars stopped at the 148-kilometer marker on Provincial Highway 8.
Cars stopped at the 148-kilometer marker on Provincial Highway 8. Photo: Ken Marshall/Wikimedia Commons · CC BY 2.0

The Federal Reserve held its policy rate at 4.25-4.5 per cent last week and its officials still pencil in cuts later this year. Since then two Fed governors have said they could support a cut as soon as July, arguing that the inflation effect of tariffs may prove short-lived. Falling oil makes that argument easier to put. An energy shock on top of the tariffs would have made it almost impossible.

The winners from a lower oil price are the usual ones: airlines, shipping lines, chemical makers and the big oil-importing economies of Asia, including India and Japan, whose currencies and trade balances suffer when crude jumps. The losers are producers who had hoped for a windfall, including American shale drillers, who had been cutting rigs as prices fell this spring and will not now get the relief of higher prices.

Why the premium can return

The strongest case against complacency is that nothing fundamental has been settled. The ceasefire is hours old and was breached almost at once by both sides, according to their own accounts. The fate of Iran's stockpile of enriched uranium is unclear, which means further strikes cannot be ruled out. Iran also retains ways to hurt shipping without closing Hormuz, through mines, harassment of tankers or its allies in Yemen, whose attacks on Red Sea shipping over the past two years diverted traffic around Africa.

Those are real risks, but they are different from the scenario the market had feared. A war that stays below the threshold of attacks on Gulf oil infrastructure leaves physical supply intact, and OPEC producers have been adding barrels this spring. A premium based on possible disruption fades quickly once disruption fails to arrive.

What to watch

The signals are whether the ceasefire holds through the coming days, tanker traffic and war-risk insurance premiums in the Gulf, any Iranian move against shipping, and the inflation figures that will show how much of the June spike reached petrol pumps. By staying limited, the US strikes let the air out of the oil price. As so often in commodity markets, the event proved cheaper than the fear of it, and the premium traders had paid for disaster evaporated within days. Unless the ceasefire collapses, crude is likely to trade back near its pre-war level by July, and the Fed will be left to judge the tariffs on their own.

Write to Arnav Goel at contact@thelombardreview.com

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